In this guest post, Dan Lomas, Programme Leader, MA Intelligence and Security Studies, University of Salford, explores the British government’s new ‘anti-fake news’ unit.
The decision to set up a new National Security Communications Unit to counter the growth of “fake news” is not the first time the UK government has devoted resources to exploit the defensive and offensive capabilities of information. A similar thing was tried in the Cold War era, with mixed results.
The planned unit has emerged as part of a wider review of defence capabilities. It will reportedly be dedicated to “combating disinformation by state actors and others” and was agreed at a meeting of the National Security Council (NSC).
As a spokesperson for UK prime minister Theresa May told journalists:
We are living in an era of fake news and competing narratives. The government will respond with more and better use of national security communications to tackle these interconnected, complex challenges.
The Information Law and Policy Centre held its third annual conference on 17th November 2017. The workshop’s theme was: ‘Children and Digital Rights: Regulating Freedoms and Safeguards’.
The workshop brought together regulators, practitioners, civil society, and leading academic experts who addressed and examined the key legal frameworks and policies being used and developed to safeguard children’s digital freedoms and rights. These legislative and policy regimes include the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the related provisions (such as consent, transparency, and profiling) under the UK Digital Charter, and the Data Protection Bill which will implement the EU General Data Protection Regulation.
This event will focus on the implications posed by the increasingly significant role of artificial intelligence (AI) in society and the possible ways in which humans will co-exist with AI in future, particularly the impact that this interaction will have on our liberty, privacy, and agency. Will the benefits of AI only be achieved at the expense of these human rights and values? Do current laws, ethics, or technologies offer any guidance with respect to how we should navigate this future society?
We are at a tipping point of a new digital divide. While some embrace AI, many people will always prefer human experts even when they’re wrong.
Unless you live under a rock, you probably have been inundated with recent news on machine learning and artificial intelligence (AI). With all the recent breakthroughs, it almost seems like AI can already predict the future. Police forces are using it to map when and where crime is likely to occur. Doctors can use it to predict when a patient is most likely to have a heart attack or stroke. Researchers are even trying to give AI imagination so it can plan for unexpected consequences.
Of course, many decisions in our lives require a good forecast, and AI agents are almost always better at forecasting than their human counterparts. Yet for all these technological advances, we still seem to deeply lack confidence in AI predictions. Recent cases show that people don’t like relying on AI and prefer to trust human experts, even if these experts are wrong.
If we want AI to really benefit people, we need to find a way to get people to trust it. To do that, we need to understand why people are so reluctant to trust AI in the first place.
In this guest post, Marion Oswald offers her homage to Yes Minister and, in that tradition, smuggles in some pertinent observations on AI fears. This post first appeared on the SCL website’s Blog as part of Laurence Eastham’s Predictions 2018 series. It is also appearing in Computers & Law, December/January issue.
Hundreds of the world’s top websites routinely track a user’s every keystroke, mouse movement and input into a web form – even before it’s submitted or later abandoned, according to the results of a study from researchers at Princeton University.
And there’s a nasty side-effect: personal identifiable data, such as medical information, passwords and credit card details, could be revealed when users surf the web – without them knowing that companies are monitoring their browsing behaviour. It’s a situation that should alarm anyone who cares about their privacy.
The Princeton researchers found it was difficult to redact personally identifiable information from browsing behaviour records – even, in some instances, when users have switched on privacy settings such as Do Not Track.
In this guest post Lorna Woods, Professor of Internet Law at the University of Essex, provides an analysis on the new ECJ opinion . This post first appeared on the blog of Steve Peers, Professor of EU, Human Rights and World Trade Law at the University of Essex.
Who is responsible for data protection law compliance on Facebook fan sites? That issue is analysed in a recent opinion of an ECJ Advocate-General, in the case of Wirtschaftsakademie (full title: Unabhängiges Landeszentrum für Datenschutz Schleswig-Holstein v Wirtschaftsakademie Schleswig-Holstein GmbH, in the presence of Facebook Ireland Ltd, Vertreter des Bundesinteresses beim Bundesverwaltungsgericht).
This case is one more in a line of cases dealing specifically with the jurisdiction of national data protection supervisory authorities, a line of reasoning which seems to operate separately from the Brussels I Recast Regulation, which concerns jurisdiction of courts over civil and commercial disputes. While this is an Advocate-General’s opinion, and therefore not binding on the Court, if followed by the Court it would consolidates the Court’s prior broad interpretation of the Data Protection Directive. While this might be the headline, it is worth considering a perhaps overlooked element of the data-economy: the role of the content provider in providing individuals whose data is harvested.
A toddler with birthday cake smeared across his face, grins delightedly at his mother. Minutes later, the image appears on Facebook. A not uncommon scenario – 42% of UK parents share photos of their children online with half of these parents sharing photos at least once a month.
But while a recent report from OFCOM confirms many parents do share images of their children online, the report also indicates that more than half (56%) of parents don’t. Most of these non-sharenting parents (87%) actively choose not to do so to protect their children’s private lives.